Thomas P. Maness, Civil War Dissenter from Moore County, North Carolina

Some weeks ago, Lacy A. Garner, Jr., submitted a comment to one of my posts that included the following Civil War story about Thomas P. Maness of Ritter township, Moore County, North Carolina. Because upper Moore County is part of the Randolph County Area ( a hotbed of Unionist activity during the Civil War), I asked Lacy if I might include his story as a guest post. Written more than 150 years after the war, this story of resistance to Confederate conscription is Lacy Garner’s interpretative version of the oral family history passed to him by Thurman D. Maness, the grandson of Thomas P. Maness. Born in 1909, Thurman learned the stories from his own father, Reuben, who heard them directly from his father, Thomas P. Maness. In Lacy’s own words:

The following story really caught my attention and I just had to write it down. It’s another example of women who took charge during the war. Thurman died in 2010 at the age of 101 and was very proud of his grandmother Eliza. I miss him greatly but he is never more than a story away. The names of the two soldiers in this story have been lost forever. Their names I chose at random. Everything else is just as Thurman told it to me.

 

THEIR HEARTS WEREN’T IN IT

by Lacy A. Garner

Thomas P. Maness. Photo courtesy of Lacy A. Garner
Thomas P. Maness. Photo courtesy of Lacy A. Garner

Thomas Maness (1834-1900) had no passion for war. His middle initial “P” stood for nothing in particular. “Thomas ‘P.’ Maness.” He just liked the sound of it. It seemed to add a bit of notoriety to an otherwise common name. The sound had to be considerably more pleasant than those emanating from the battlefields of war.

At the age of thirty, Thomas had devoted the last two years of his life to staying one step ahead of conscription. First as a constable, and then as a teacher, he had successfully maintained an exempt status. By the fall of 1864, he had exhausted all legal options. No one seemed exempt from the scourge that plagued the land.

Thomas had never been one to run away from anything, particularly a fight. This time it was different. There was too much at stake for a man to venture into a fight absent of his heart. Thomas had no convictions, one way or the other. He would have preferred to awaken one morning to find it had all been a dream, but denial for the earthly reality of things was a luxury afforded only the angels in heaven.

Shaded area, including upper Moore County, NC, was a principle area of Unionist activity.
Shaded area, including upper Moore County, NC, was a principle area of Unionist activity.

The reality of war came knocking in September of ’64, with news that his beloved brother Reuben (1836-1864), a Chaplain with the 46th N.C.S.T., had died in the trenches of Petersburg. If a Chaplain was not exempt from the horrors of war, what possible chance did he have? With cheeks still moist over the loss of his brother, Thomas P. Maness took to the safety of the forests and streams in an attempt to avoid the fate of his brother. With no formal declaration, he became a member of that group referred to as “Outlyers.”

By 1864, the Southern army had intensified its efforts to round up Outlyers and conscript them into military service. Thomas, like so many men in upper Moore County, was determined to defeat their efforts. Evading capture proved more difficult, with each passing day. Small detachments of Confederate soldiers were ordered to the homes of men known to be afoot. Their orders were to remain there for three weeks in an attempt to starve those men from hiding. In the winter of 1864, they came in search of Thomas.

Thomas’s wife, Mary Eliza Stewart Maness (1845-1897), awoke one wintry morning to the sound of men’s voices. She cracked the shutters ever so slightly, hoping to catch a glimpse. Pitching a tent less than thirty yards away, were two soldiers, dressed in tattered Confederate gray. Her husband had left only hours earlier. The soldiers’ presence caused her to breathe a sigh of relief. “He must be safe, at least for the moment, or else they would not be here.”

She tried to ignore their presence, and concentrated on her chores. Hungry mouths had to be fed before anything else could be considered. Her stepson Benton (1858-1941) was six years old, and her daughter Mary Ella (1862-1942), only two. Recent changes in her body suggested that another one was on the way.

After the children were fed, she again directed her attention outside. Peering through cracks in the shutters, she saw them hang a portion of a side of beef from a nearby limb. She suspected it was to be their food supply, while they laid in wait for her husband. She whispered under her breath, “That ain’t gonna last them long.” They snuggled their collars about their necks, to ward off a nip in the air. They seemed scantly clothed for the weather.

They set about the business of building a fire, and rejoiced in its rewards. A cloud of steam shrouded their faces, as it rose from the tin cups they clutched with both hands. They cherished the coffee’s warmth more than its flavor. Their neatly stacked rifles pointed towards heaven at precisely the same angle.

It was obvious from a considerable distance that one of them was wounded, for he walked with a noticeable limp. He had probably been assigned this detail while awaiting his wounds to heal. The other had a scar across his cheek, which might suggest that he too had fresh recollections of the cost of war. He was in the process of growing a beard, which would eventually conceal his disfigured face. His youthfulness suggested that might yet take awhile. Once, when he caught Mary Eliza staring at him through the shutters, he turned quickly, presenting her with only the more symmetrical side of his face.

maness essay

As far as their physical attributes, their age troubled her most. At almost twenty years of age, she figured she had two or three years on the oldest. War had an appetite for boys, young in mind and body. Ravishing youthful bodies only left war thirsty for more.

There was the notion that she should feel contempt for those that came in search of her husband. Yet, she felt something entirely different. A sense of compassion swirled around inside her head before finally taking root. How could she claim the rewards of heaven while knowing she had joyfully watched as others had suffered? She hung her head and cried, as mothers are apt to do. She hoped that which stirred within her womb would be spared the carnage of war. It seemed that death came much too quickly, on its own accord, without war spurring it on.
Thomas’ safety no longer consumed her, but rather the safety and sanity of everyone involved. Thomas was undoubtedly the luckiest one of the three.

The soldiers’ constant presence deterred Thomas little. He continued to come and go freely between midnight and dawn. Mary Eliza saw to it that he always had plenty to eat. He would lie with her and the children a few hours each night, and be gone before the break of day.

The soldiers never ventured inside the house, and she never quite understood why. She suspected they were waiting for Thomas to grow comfortable and careless. Perhaps they intended to storm him some night, and in front of his wife and children, convert him to their way of thinking. Was their youthfulness to be considered the perfect disguise, or was it the only thing holding them back?

One night, on the dark of the moon, she confided in her husband as they lay a bed. “Tommy, these soldiers are nothing but boys. How can I hate them when they have done nothing to us? Hate has already stolen their youth and left them scarred for life. How could God sanction me adding to their misery by heaping more of the same upon them? They have mothers tonight that are worried sick, wondering if they are dead or alive. I would feel no differently for this one, which stirs within my womb. The light from the same moon fails us all tonight.”

Thomas could find no words to prove her wrong. He held her tightly in his arms, while setting her spirit free. “Eliza, you do as God would expect of you; no more and certainly no less.” He kissed her upon the forehead before settling in for a few hours sleep. He had no idea of the power he had unknowingly unleashed.

She awoke at dawn to find her husband gone again. She cracked the shutters just enough to watch the soldiers as they went about their morning chores. She watched as they took down the last of their rations, with still two weeks left to go. The weather had taken a turn for the worst and she feared for their safety.

With temperatures plummeting well below freezing, she watched them two more days. They boiled water over an open fire, pretending to have plenty to eat. Alas! She could tolerate their suffering no longer. She bundled herself and the children and went to introduce herself. She approached them cautiously, not wanting to be misconstrued. “Good morning gentlemen,” she announced while still halfway there. They tipped their hats in the true Southern fashion of acknowledging a lady’s presence. The older, the one with the limp, offered up a reply. “Mornin’ Ma’am. I’m Private Johnson, and this here’s Private Jones. We’re a special detachment from the Confederate States Army.”

“I’m Mary Eliza Maness; this here’s Benton and Mary Ella.” Little Benton took considerable offense to anyone that would harm his father. “Are you gonna hurt my papa?” There was no reply forthcoming.

Mary Eliza continued with her introduction. “I’m glad to make your acquaintance. I’m sure you’re aware of the fact that Tommy Maness is my husband.”

“Yes Ma’am, we figured as much.”

“You aim to capture my husband?”

Her outright openness took Johnson by surprise. “Well, yes Ma’am, that is if we happen to see him, that is. Course, if we don’t ever see him, well, that might prove to be a troublesome chore.” A smile graced his lips momentarily, before taking a permanent leave of absence.

In those first few words, a covenant was formed between Mary Eliza and those that would harm her husband. It was her intentions, that by the grace of God, they would never set eyes upon him. She seized the moment, realizing she had taken them completely by surprise. It was an invaluable military maneuver. “Why don’t you boys come in the house? I’ll fix you a decent meal.”

“Oh, no Ma’am, I’m afraid the Captain would take considerable offense to our fraternizing with an Outlyer’s wife, but we’re much obliged just the same.”

“Very well, as you wish, but the offer still stands.” With those departing words, she gathered her children and returned to the comforts of an open fire, and the smell of cornbread baking.

Shortly after sundown, there was a knock upon the door. She slowly opened the door to see Johnson and Jones, standing with their hats in their hands. “Evenin’ Ma’am. Uh, we were just wonderin’ if Thomas Maness was around.”

Mary Eliza smiled, “No, I’m afraid he ain’t, but feel free to come in and wait for him if you’d like.”

Jones turned to Johnson, and uttered the first words she had heard him speak, “Duncan, ain’t nothin’ wrong with that, is there?”

Johnson had already given it considerable thought, “No, ain’t nothin’ wrong with that – that I can see.”

She invited them in and closed the door behind them. “Now, you boys stand over there by the fireplace and warm a spell while I fix you something to eat.”

They leaned their rifles against the wall and quickly turned their backsides to the fire, twiddling their fingers behind them. The silence gave way to the popping and cracking of the glowing hardwood embers. It was an awkward situation for all of them, but the warmth of the fire and the smell of food bridged that awesome gap between friends and would be foes.

The soldiers quickly ate their fill. After thanking Mary Eliza for her generous hospitality, they retreated outside, back to the less hospitable elements of nature. It was as though they had risen through the depths of hell to carouse the streets of heaven, only to be cast into the former.

Thomas would understand such things. The heaven they had only briefly encountered was the same heaven he refused to surrender. Late that night, Mary Eliza told Thomas all that had happened. The spirit of God stirred within her heart as she spoke. Like that which stirred within her womb, it was invisible, yet convincingly undeniable.
“Tommy, you should have seen them boys! They ate like there weren’t no tomorrow.” Thomas wondered if his brother Reuben had acted likewise, the day before the bullet found its mark. He felt a twinge of resentment rising from the depths within. Reuben had died, yet they still lived. What made them so special? Still, he trusted Mary Eliza, and was at the mercy of her feminine intuition. He had seen it work miracles before.

The next evening she invited them in, informing them that supper was ready. It was a call she would not have to make twice. Unlike her stepson Benton, they came forthwith, as the crow would fly, only twice as eager. They gorged themselves on the meal set before them until the contentment of their bellies loosened their tongues.
Johnson was the first to acknowledge the similarities. “Ma’am, you cook like my mama does. This meal pleasantly reminds me of her.” He paused a moment to let the reality of what he had said fully sink in. Precious memories flooded his soul to the brink of fullness and beyond. The excess stood in pools about his eyes. How he wished he was home again. War had taken him far away, and now he wondered how he would ever find his way back.

Jones was also moved to speak. “Ma’am, it reminds me of home too. The smell of this place brings home a lot closer. I can almost reach-out and touch it.” He raked a sleeve across his eyes before continuing. “Truth is, it’ll be a miracle if we make it back. This may be as close as we ever get. Ma’am, thank you for reminding us of the way things used to be.” She noticed tears filling his eyes. They threatened to  spill over those self-imposed levies of glory and honor.
Then, there was only silence. No one uttered a word. There was no need to speak. It would have tainted the moment. In that one fleeting moment of self-inflicted solitude, their spirits merged as one, but nothing lasts forever, certainly not silence. She quickly rose and gathered the dishes, wiping a tear as she went. The clattering of plates, forks and knives, signaled it was time to move on. Silence can only endure so long before it is emptied of things to say.

Emotion is conveyed in one of two ways: In words, or in the absence thereof. There was no denying the latter. When one heart touches another, there is only the deafening sound of silence. In a bold move she changed the subject, “Why don’t you boys stay the night. There’s a spare bedroom in back, and Tommy wouldn’t mind if you made yourselves at home.” With the sound of her words still ringing in her ears, she stopped a moment to consider what had possessed her say such a thing. The thought had never crossed her mind; yet had found its way into words.

Johnson and Jones huddled themselves, weighing the pros and cons. Jones had considerable reservations. “Duncan, the Captain will have us shot if he ever finds out!”

Johnson wanted to debate the issue. “Josh, who’s gonna know? Besides, the way I see it, one man’s bullet hurts ‘bout as much as the next man’s does. We’ve ‘bout froze ourselves to death out there. We ain’t got nothin’ to eat. A bullet might bring us some welcomed relief, but in the mean time, I’m for accepting this lady’s hospitality.” Without any further discussion, Johnson accepted her invitation for the both of them. “Ma’am, we’re much obliged. We’ll try not to get under foot and we’ll be up and out of the house before the first light.” That was good, for she knew how the neighbors loved to talk.

Thomas slipped in sometime after midnight. She met him at the door and placed a finger across his lips, her gesture for silence. “Be quiet! You’ll wake them two soldiers in the back room.”

Thomas’s mouth fell open. “Mary Eliza, have you gone crazy? You’re gonna have me on the front line at Petersburg before the day is through.”

“Tommy, trust me. They mean you no harm. They’re just a couple of boys away from home. They’re wonderin’ if they will ever see home again. The least we can do is ease their pain and suffering. They’ll be up and out before first light. You just make sure you’re gone by then. As long as they don’t see you, you ain’t got nothin’ to fear.” She pointed to their rifles still leaning against the wall. “See, they ain’t concerned with you.” Thomas took his wife at her word, putting his fate in her hands. He continued to slip in and out of the house, under the cover of darkness.

Johnson and Jones were always asleep long before midnight.

Sometimes, between midnight and dawn, Thomas would sit by the fire, cleaning their rifles and shining their boots as they slept. He had no understanding of what possessed him to do such a thing, only that his brother Reuben would approve. Thomas considered it his contribution to the war.

The soldiers never acknowledged his deeds, possibly for fear of learning the truth. They rightly judged that the proper etiquette would be never to ask too many questions. Many nights they sat by the fire and conversed with Mary Eliza. She was greatly impressed by their inherent singing abilities. She had never heard anything like it. Josh sang the prettiest tenor Mary Eliza had ever heard. It rivaled that of an angel. The sound of the two of them together was unlike anything to be heard on earth. The next two weeks melted away, like butter in a warm skillet. No one wanted to talk about it, but soon they would have to go.

Mary Eliza wanted to know, so one night she up and asked them. “Where you goin’, I mean, after you leave here?”
Duncan hung his head before again lifting his eyes. “Well, Ma’am, I guess we’ll be goin’ back to the regular army. You know they’re having a terrible time keeping them Yankees at bay ‘round Richmond. I suspect that’s where we’re headed.”

She could see the concern on their faces. They had obviously heard the stories. “You boys be careful now, you hear me? That’s where Reuben fell.” She went into the story, of how a Yankee sniper’s bullet had pierced his neck. “If your mammy was here she’d tell you the same thing. Just you be careful.”

Jones accepted her interest as legitimate concern, but was also prepared to accept his fate. The army had taught him how to live, but was vague on how to die. That was yet to be learned. “Yes Ma’am, we’ll be careful alright. I promised my mama I’d be home soon. That was nearly three years ago. I suspect she’s all but given up hope.”

Mary Eliza was quick to scold him. “Josh, giving up hope, that ain’t in a mother’s nature. This war will be over soon, and everyone is going home – Tommy included. Don’t much matter which side you’re on, seem we all got our share of suffering to bear. But, someday it will all be over. Tommy calls it a bad dream. We’re all gonna wake up soon.”
Three weeks to the day from the time of their arrival, it was time for them to go. With tears in her eyes, Mary Eliza hugged them goodbye. They would always hold a special place in her heart. “I’ll pray every day, and may God go with you, wherever that might be.”

Another concern found its way into words. “How will I ever know you made it?”

Duncan offered her a solution. “Ma’am, if we make it back, we’ll be sure to come by and let you know. It’ll give us a chance to meet your husband, whom I’m glad to say we ain’t ever laid eyes on. When the war is over, and after a fair amount of time, if we ain’t come by, then we’ll see you on the other side.”

She hugged them both, one last time, and watched until they walked out of sight. A cold feeling descended upon her, more chilling than the winter’s wind. She suddenly realized that she would never see them again. She was all too familiar with that eerie feeling, which arose from somewhere within. She had felt it before, that day when Reuben went away. Now, that same chilly hand of death had reached out and touched her on the shoulder again.

On April 9 1865, General Lee surrendered. The war was finally over. The long and slow procession of men returning home began, but Duncan and Josh were never among them. After a year of praying and hoping that her feminine intuition was wrong, Mary Eliza abandoned all hope of ever seeing them again; at least upon this earth.

On August 5, 1865 Mary Eliza and Thomas’ second child was born. They named him Reuben. He was not only the namesake of Thomas’ brother, but also Josh, Duncan, and all those soldiers who had given their all in the pursuit of Glory and Honor. It had been a long, hard struggle. Four years of death and destruction were finally over, but all would never be forgotten. Those two men, whom I shall now refrain from calling boys, willingly marched into the jaws of hell, while sparing Tommy Maness. It was something the Maness family would never forget. Mary Eliza would always remember those two soldiers she befriended in the winter of ’64. She took comfort in knowing that she had fulfilled her Christian obligation to alleviate pain and suffering – if only for awhile. She felt it important enough to pass this story on to her son Reuben.

Reuben Maness (1865-1953) would often recount this story to his children. His son Thurman (1909-2010) committed it to memory as a very young child and I was inspired to put it to paper. All involved have long since departed this life, but as long as their story continues to touch our hearts and minds, they shall live forever. —– Lacy A. Garner, Jr.

One of the leading opponents of secession from Moore County was Bryan Tyson, author of The Southern States . . . . Our Sectional Troubles
One of the leading opponents of secession from Moore County was Bryan Tyson, author of The Institution of Slavery in the Southern States . . . . Our Sectional Troubles

Announcement: The Upcoming Littlefield Lectures at the University of Texas, Austin

Littlefield Lecture poster
The Littlefield Lectures, UT Austin

I’m delighted to announce that I’ll be delivering this year’s Littlefield Lectures for the History Department of the University of Texas, Austin.  The lectures are based on research from my last two books, The Free State of Jones, and The Long Shadow of the Civil War:
“The Free State of Jones: Community, Race, and Kinship in Civil War Mississippi,” March 6, 4-6 p.m., Avaya Auditorium, ACE 2.302

“Communities at War”: Men, Women, and the Legacies of Anti-Confederate Dissent,” March 7, 4-6 p.m., Avaya Auditorium, ACE 2.302

If you’re in the area, I hope to see you there!

Vikki Bynum

Southerners Against Slavery: Wesleyan Methodists in Montgomery County, North Carolina

In two of my works on Southern Unionism, Unruly Women (1992), and Long Shadow of the Civil War (2010), I wrote extensively about the effects of the anti-slavery Wesleyan Methodist movement in creating an environment of fierce anti-Confederate sentiment in the Randolph-Montgomery County area of North Carolina during the Civil War. In Montgomery County, several Wesleyan families’ refusal to support the Confederacy tragically resulted in the killing of three Hulin brothers by home guard soldiers.

The Hulins, Moores, and Hurleys became Wesleyans a full decade before the Civil War and were anti-slavery activists. A year before the war erupted, in March 1860,  Hiram Hulin, Jesse Hulin, Nelson Hulin (sons of Hiram), William Hurley Sr., William Hurley Jr., and Spencer Moore (son of Valentine Moore) were charged alongside Daniel Wilson, a well-known anti-slavery leader from Guilford County,  with circulating “seditious” anti-slavery materials.

Although I relied principally on court records, military records, newspapers, and memoirs to tell the story of Unionism in this region of North Carolina, I found two Wesleyan Methodist publications, Roy S. Nicholson’s Wesleyan Methodism in the South (1933), and Mrs. E.W. Crooks’ Life of Rev. Adam Crooks (1875), crucial to my ability to confirm the religious conversions of the above Montgomery County families.

In the following essay, I draw from both these works. As “in house” publications, they reflect the perspective of the Wesleyan Movement, yet, in combination with primary sources, they leave no doubt of the religious ideology that led the Hulins, Moores,  Hurleys, and others to oppose slavery and the Confederate Cause.

Vikki Bynum, Moderator

Southerners Against Slavery: Wesleyan Methodists in Montgomery County, North Carolina

By Vikki Bynum

Rev. Adam Crooks (1824-1874)

The man most responsible for bringing Wesleyan Methodism to the Randolph/Montgomery County area of North Carolina was Rev. Adam Crooks, who was originally from Leesville, Carroll County, Ohio, where he was born in 1824. According to Crooks’ biographer, his wife Elizabeth Willits Crooks, in 1841 he joined those northern Methodists who split from the Methodist Episcopal Church over slavery. The following year, in December 1842, the splinter group produced a newspaper, the True Wesleyan, which heralded the establishment of Wesleyan Methodism in the United States. These Wesleyans claimed to embody the doctrinal standards of early Methodism as established under the guidance of Rev. John Wesley.  They opposed worldly habits such as the use of whiskey and tobacco and ostentatious dress and adornment. Most important to the history of Montgomery County, they opposed the ownership of human beings by other human beings.

Opposition to slavery, and specifically to the degrading and violent means by which it was maintained, was not limited to Methodists of the North. In 1847, during its Allegheny Conference in Mesopotamia, Ohio, the Wesleyan Church received an urgent letter from “Free Methodists” of Guilford County, North Carolina, who requested the services of a Wesleyan preacher. In this old Quaker stronghold of the South, anti-slavery principles had never completely died. “There is much more anti-slavery sentiment in this part of North Carolina than I had supposed,” Crooks later observed, “owing, in great measure, to the influence of the Society of Friends.” During his stay in North Carolina, he was amused to be “taken for a Quaker, go wherever I will,” even once after preaching in a Methodist Episcopal house. Crooks concluded that this assumption reflected the antislavery doctrine he preached and the “plain coat” that he wore.

The call from North Carolina had great appeal to Crooks. By age twenty, he had become a Wesleyan exhorter who preached against the evils of slavery.  In August 1845, he joined the Allegheny Conference as a junior preacher, and received a six-week assignment to the Erie circuit, where he ministered to a small Erie City church comprised of many fugitive slaves. Now, he agreed to travel to North Carolina. With the sectional crisis over slavery growing fiercer by the day, it took a great deal of courage to enter the slaveholding South with the express purpose of preaching against slavery. In preparation for his mission he was ordained an Elder.

Crooks encountered many Methodists in North Carolina who resented being forced to remain with the Methodist Episcopal Church in the wake of its national division into pro- and anti-slavery denominations. Finding it ”impracticable” to join the anti-slavery Northern Division of the church, they formed a third division, the “Free Methodist Church.” According to Crooks, “up to this time, they had no knowledge of the existence of the Wesleyan Methodist connection.” Once they learned of the Wesleyan persuasion, he said, they immediately sent for preachers, convened, and adopted the Wesleyan principles as their own.

Pro-slavery North Carolinians labeled Crooks a “nigger-thief,” an abolitionist, and an advocate of racial amalgamation (race mixing). Nevertheless, he preached before large and small congregations and regularly denounced slavery in the presence of slaveholders. In October, 1847, Crooks presided over the founding of Freedom’s Hill Church, located in the old Snow Camp community of present-day Alamance County, N.C., and the first Wesleyan Methodist Church in the South.

In 1850, despite violent opposition to Wesleyan preachers by pro-slavery mobs, Crooks prepared to preach in Montgomery County at the invitation of members of Lane’s Chapel and Lovejoy Chapel.  Twice, he was warned by letter to cancel those plans. The first letter, signed by “Many Citizens” from Montgomery and neighboring Stanly Counties, accused Crooks of

preying upon the minds of the weak and innocent, inducing them to believe that slave-holding is not only an oppression to the slaves, but to all those who do not hold slaves. The slaves hereabout are in much better condition than their masters or other citizens. Your doctrine, if carried out, would bring down vengeance upon the heads of your followers by amalgamation and otherwise.

Crooks was accused of being “worse than a traitor,” and threatened with expulsion if he dared to appear in Lane’s Chapel: “we are in hopes you will return from whence you came, or you will be dealt with according to the dictates of our consciences.”

A second letter from Montgomery County, dated 27 December 1850 and signed by eleven people, demanded again that Crooks leave the state. Crooks did not answer the letter, but traveled to Montgomery County as planned, where he stayed at the home of Valentine Moore and prepared, in February 1851, to preach at Lovejoy Chapel, located about a mile from Moore’s home.

A mob headed by a local justice of the peace and slaveholder met Crooks at the door of Lovejoy Chapel. Alluding to the Methodists’ national schism over slavery, the j.p. accused Crooks of “making interruptions in families, neighborhoods, and Churches” by preaching against slavery. He claimed that Crooks was “causing us to abuse our servants,” i.e. slaves, by telling them they deserved to be free, which “makes them unruly; so that they have to be abused.” Again, Crooks was ordered to leave the county.

Several other local slaveholders challenged Crooks as well. “Brother Crooks did you not preach to servants not to obey their masters?”  Crooks answered that he had not, but his accuser insisted that he had. Hiram Hulin then interceded on Crooks’ behalf. “Don’t you interrupt the man,” he told the slaveholder, who responded by shaking his fist and stamping the floor, declaring that he was on his own “premises.”  Hiram’s brother, Orrin Hulin, then called for order, reminding the men that they had entered the chapel to worship God.

Those opposed to Crooks’ right to preach moved to expel him from the chapel. They declared Crooks a traitor, no better than Aaron Burr,  sent to Montgomery County by anti-slavery radicals such as Daniel Wilson of Guilford County.  Likewise, Orrin Hulin was condemned for having written a letter to the True Wesleyan that described a Montgomery County slaveholder’s brutal torture and whipping of slave.

Then, the anti-Crooks faction rose to forcibly remove Crooks from Lovejoy Chapel, at which point Orrin Hulin cried out,

Men, take notice of who takes hold of that man by violence.

As the mob approached Crooks, William Hurley stepped before it and called out,

But stop, don’t you run over me. What are you going to do with the preacher?

According to author Elizabeth Crooks, chaos followed, as Crooks was

led or rather dragged from the pulpit into the yard. . . . Some are rushing for their horses, others are screaming, and still others prostrated, motionless and speechless.

Mrs. Crooks further described how several men forced Crooks into a buggy as Orrin Hulin once again called on Crooks’ supporters to “take notice of who forces that man into that buggy.” Several of Crooks’ supporters followed the buggy on foot to the home of one of the slaveholders. There, over dinner, pro- and anti-slavery factions, including Crooks, argued over slavery. Sheriff Aaron Sanders, a member of the Methodist Episcopal Church and part of the mob that accosted Crooks, was present. So also was William Hurley, Crooks’ defender, who proclaimed himself  “ever opposed” to slavery.

“Well, if you believe slavery to be wrong, you need not hold them; it does not hurt you,” a slaveholder challenged.

Hurley answered, not as an abolitionist, but as a citizen who defended his right to belong to an anti-slavery church:

Well, but for me to support a thing I do not believe in would not be right. And you can have your privileges and let us have ours.

When asked if his church, which refused membership to slaveholders, might yet receive a slave, Hurley said “yes”, provided the slave was a Christian. Those words provoked this angry response from an unnamed slaveholder:

What!—receive a nigger and not a white man? That is a grand insult depriving us of our rights.

“Not at all,” maintained Hurley. “We do not say that you shall not hold slaves; all we want is to keep clear of supporting it.”

“Well, if that is your principle you ought to leave the state,” advised the same man, advice to which Hurley strenuously objected:

I was born and raised here—pay for my privileges under the law, and it is a hard case if I am to be deprived of them.

As the argument heated up, another slaveholder advised the mob to “serve him [Hurley] as we do Crooks.” But William Hurley appeared to be forgotten after four magistrates ordered Sheriff Sanders to deliver Adam Crooks to the jail.

After being locked up, Crooks was lectured by his captors on the need to abandon his plan to preach in Montgomery County. Exhibiting the common social superiority that slaveholders felt toward nonslaveholders, they assured Crooks that the folks who had invited him to speak (members from the Moore, Hulin, and Hurley families) were the “very dregs of the county,” while “those who are against you,” (slaveholders), “are the best men of the county.”

Finally and reluctantly, Adam Crooks agreed to leave Montgomery County and was accordingly released from jail. He then returned to the home of Valentine Moore to say his goodbyes. While there, he reported, Valentine’s daughter Caroline (who would soon marry Hiram Hulin’s son, Jesse) announced to Crooks that she was leaving the Methodist Episcopal Church and joining with the Wesleyans.

Caroline Moore Hulin

Slaveholders had prevented Adam Crooks from preaching in their county, but they had failed to prevent the successful birth of Wesleyan Methodism in their community. Battle lines would be redrawn during the Civil War, in a brutal inner war that would pit the same Sheriff Aaron Sanders against the same community of dissenters.

Vikki Bynum

For more on Adam Crooks and Southern Wesleyan Methodism, see:

  1. Roy S. Nicholson, Wesleyan Methodism in the South (Syracuse, NY: Wesleyan Methodist Publishing House, 1933).
  2. Mrs. E.W. Crooks, Life of Rev. Adam Crooks, A.M. (Syracuse, NY: Wesleyan Methodist Publishing House, 1875). A copy of this book is owned by the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, and may be accessed online at UNC’s Documenting the American South.  http://docsouth.unc.edu/nc/crooks/crooks.html.
  3. An independent film company has recently produced the story of Adam Crooks. See The Courageous Love, Rubacam Productions,  http://www.thecourageouslove.com/home/About.html

The Jackson Free Press reviews Long Shadow of the Civil War

On September 29, 2010, the Jackson Free Press published Byron Wilkes’s review of The Long Shadow of the Civil War: Southern Dissent and Its Legacies.  Historian/genealogist Ed Payne kindly sent me the link, which I have posted below.

After summarizing the scope and arguments of the book, Mr. Wilkes ended his review with the following remarks:

“Although Bynum discusses the “multiracial community that endures to this day” in Jones County, she makes sure to frame the narrative realistically, particularly in noting that the Knights were not outspoken abolitionists. Rather, this was simply the way they lived, astonishingly so for their era and geography.

Bynum depicts the other communities in equally intimate lights, grasping each one’s complexity while providing an analysis that brings this history to modern relevance.”

to read the entire review, click below.

http://www.jacksonfreepress.com/index.php/site/comments/things_we_dont_know_092910/

My thanks to Byron Wilkes for his review and to the Free Press for including my book in the pages of their fine newspaper.

Vikki Bynum

Phebe Crook and the Inner Civil War in North Carolina

Note from Moderator: Phebe Crook belonged to the same North Carolina community of Unionist women that I’ve been researching and writing about for 25 years, as did Martha Sheets and Caroline, Sarah, and Clarinda Hulin.  Thanks to exhaustive research by historians in local, state, and federal records, we now know that women were active participants in the American Civil War. Particularly in southern regions that displayed strong Unionist sentiment, ordinary farm women like Phebe engaged in inner civil wars that centered around protesting Confederate policies that claimed the lives of their fathers, sons, and husbands, and which threatened them with impoverishment and even starvation.


Phebe Crook and the Inner Civil War in North Carolina

By Vikki Bynum


On September 15, 1864, in the midst of the Civil War, a young unmarried woman of the Randolph/Montgomery County area of North Carolina wrote an unusually detailed and articulate letter of protest to Governor Zebulon Vance. Phebe Crook began her letter with a polite salutation:

Mr. Vance, Dear Sir,  I imbrace this opertunity of writing you a few lines in order to inform you of the conduct of our oficers and leading men of this county as you are appointed govenor of the state and [because] I Beleave that you are willing to Do all that you can in trying to protect the civil laws and writs of our county.

Then Phebe got down to business, providing the governor with her eye-witness account of Confederate militia sent to her community to enforce conscript laws and arrest deserters:

Whearas I believe you are a Man of high feelings and one that is willing to Do your duty in every respect, I will now inform you of some of the conduct of our Militia officers and Magistrats of this county. Thir imployment is hunting Deserters, they say, and the way they Manage to find them is taking up poore old grey headed fathers who has fought in the old War.

Seizing fathers and grandfathers was one means by which Confederate soldiers sought to learn the whereabouts of men who evaded or deserted Confederate service. But according to Phebe,

Some of them [men who evaded service] has done thir Duty in trying to support both the army and thir family, [but] these men [home guard and militia] that has remained at home ever since the War commenced are taking them up and keeping them under gard without a mouthful to eat for severl days.

Militia and home guard also tortured deserters’ wives, claimed Phebe, by

taking up the women and keeping them under gard and Boxing thir jaws and nocking them about as if they were bruts and keeping them from thir little children that they hav almost wore our thir lifes in trying to make surport for them. And some of thes women is in no fix to leav homes and others have little suckling infants not more than 2 months old.

Nor were children exempt from torture. According to Phebe, Confederate militia were

taking up little children and Hanging them until they turn black in the face trying to make them tell whear thir fathers is When the little children knows nothing atall about thir fathers. Thir plea is they hav orders from the Govenner to do this and they also say that they hav orders from the govner to Burn up thir Barns and houses.

It seemed to Phebe that the mission of the Confederacy was to

Destroy all that [families] hav got to live on Because they hav a poor wore out son or husband that has served in the army, some of them for 2 or 3 years and is almost wore out and starved to Death and has come home to try to take a little rest. [Deserters are] Doing no body any harm and are eating thir own Rations, [whereas the home guard] has Remained at home ever since the Ware commenced, [and] take thir guns and go in the woods and shoot them down without Halting them as if they war Bruts or murderers.  [They] also pilfer and plunder and steal on thir creadits.

Phebe Crook ended her letter by asserting her own credentials:

As for my self, I am a young Lady that has Neither Husband nor father no Brother in the woods, But I always like to [see] peple hav jestis and I think if thes Most powerfull fighting men that has always remained at home would go out and fight the enemy and let thes poore wor out soldiers Remain at [home] a little while and take a little rest that we would have Better times. But they [Confederate militia and home guard] say that if they are called they will Lie in the Woods until they Rot Before they will go to the war. And now why should thes men have the power to punish men for a crime [when] they would Be guilty of the same?

Although she began and ended her letter with a tone of politeness, Phebe now demanded that Governor Vance respond to her description of the desperate situation faced by the ordinary war-weary people of the North Carolina Piedmont:

So I will close By requesting you to answer this note if you pleas, and answer it imediately.

Yours Truly,

Phebe Crook

Direct to Phebe Crook, Salem Church, Randolph County, N.C.

NOTE: If there are descendants or kinfolk of Phebe Crook among readers of Renegade South, I would love to hear from you. I have not been able to trace Phebe’s whereabouts after the war. I do know that she was the daughter of William and Rachel Crook and the sister of Clarinda Crook Hulin. After the war, Clarinda and her husband, Nelson Hulin, moved to Kentucky.

Vikki Bynum

Paul Escott Reviews Bynum, Long Shadow of the Civil War

I am delighted to post historian Paul Escott’s review of my new book, recently published on H-Net’s Civil War forum!

Vikki Bynum, moderator

http://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=29769

Victoria E. Bynum. The Long Shadow of the Civil War: Southern Dissent and Its Legacies. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2010. 272 pp. $35.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-8078-3381-0; ISBN 978-0-8078-9821-5.

Reviewed by Paul Escott (Wake Forest University)
Published on H-CivWar (May, 2010)
Commissioned by Matthew E. Mason

Escott on Bynum

“Few histories,” writes Victoria Bynum, “are buried faster or deeper than those of political and social dissenters” (p. 148). The Long Shadow of the Civil War disinters a number of remarkable dissenters in North Carolina, Mississippi, and Texas. It introduces the reader to stubbornly independent and courageous Southerners in the North Carolina Piedmont, the Mississippi Piney Woods, and the Big Thicket region around Hardin County, Texas. These individuals and family groups were willing to challenge their society’s coercive social conventions on race, class, and gender. They resisted the established powers when dissent was not only unpopular but dangerous–during the Civil War and the following decades of white supremacy and repressive dominance by the Democratic Party. Their histories remind us of two important truths: that the South was never as monolithic as its rulers and many followers tried to make it; and that human beings, though generally dependent on social approval and acceptance by their peers, are capable of courageous, independent, dissenting lives.

Bynum begins by focusing on the fierce, armed resistance to Confederate authority that developed in the North Carolina Piedmont, in Mississippi’s “Free State of Jones,” and in Texas’ Big Thicket counties. All three areas “had solid nonslaveholding majorities with slaves making up only 10 to 14 percent of their populations” (p. 16). Guerrilla leaders in all three supported the Union over the Confederacy, sheltered and encouraged deserters, and fought the soldiers and authorities of the new Southern nation. They often gained considerable power locally and forced Confederate leaders to dispatch troops in vain internal efforts to eradicate them.

Bynum gives detailed attention in this part of the book to the North Carolina Piedmont. Religious conviction was an important part of resistance in North Carolina’s “Quaker Belt,” where particularly strong resistance developed in Randolph County, an area that had also been influenced by the antislavery beliefs of Wesleyan Methodists. Women played an especially prominent role in dissent in the Piedmont. They aided their husbands, stole to feed their families, helped other deserters, and both protested to and threatened Confederate officials. “Deeply felt class, cultural, and religious values animated” these women’s actions (p. 51).

In nearby Orange County, North Carolina, there was “a lively interracial subculture” whose members “exchanged goods and engaged in gambling, drinking, and sexual and social intercourse” (p. 9). During the war these poor folks, who had come together despite “societal taboos and economic barriers,” supported themselves and aided resistance to the Confederacy by stealing goods and trading with deserters. During Reconstruction elite white men, who felt that their political and economic dominance was threatened along with their power over their wives and households, turned to violence to reestablish control. Yet interracial family groups among the poor challenged their mistreatment and contributed to “a fragile biracial political coalition” (pp. 55-56) that made the Republican Party dominant before relentless attacks from the Ku Klux Klan nullified the people’s will.

Bynum next focuses on Newt Knight’s military company that fought the Confederacy in Jones County, Mississippi. These armed resisters were so powerful that by late 1863 the Confederate government had to send troops to the area in order to carry out two major (and largely unsuccessful) raids against them. Knight also defied racial taboos by choosing to live with and father children by a black woman named Rachel, who was a slave of Newt’s grandfather. Together they started “a multiracial community that endures to this day” (p. 8). Bynum’s careful research adds to our understanding of the nature and roots of resistance in the “Free State of Jones.” Through three decades following the Civil War, Knight petitioned for financial compensation from the United States for the pro-Union efforts of himself and his military company. The documents of his long and ultimately unsuccessful quest reveal details about Jones County Unionism and his own determination. Pro-Union ideals played a far larger role than religion among Knight’s company. Newt’s obstinate resistance to the South’s ruling class led him to embrace and work for Populism in the later years of his life.

Family and community ties were at least as important among dissenting Southerners as among the slaveholding elite. Close relatives of Newt Knight and of his two key lieutenants in the “Free State of Jones” had moved to east Texas in the 1850s. There several brothers–Warren, Newton, and Stacy Collins–became principal figures in the anti-Confederate resistance that flourished in the Big Thicket region. Only one of eight Collins brothers chose to be loyal to the Confederate government. After fighting Confederate authorities during the Civil War, the Collinses and their relations later became active in the Populist Party and then in the Socialist Party. They stood up against the concentration of wealth and power in the hands of greedy or corrupt capitalists just as they had rejected the dominance of slaveholders. Back in Mississippi, members of the Collins clan chose to resist not only the power of the Democratic Party but the religious and cultural dominance of the Baptist Church, which had become part of the “white southern orthodoxy” (p. 108). Jasper Collins and other members of his family began a Universalist church; Newt Knight’s brother Frank “converted to Mormonism and moved to Colorado.” Such “dissident religious groups” faced “fierce and frequently violent” reactions, for they “threatened the reconstituted order over which the Democratic Party reigned supreme” (p. 105).

Professor Bynum closes her book with a chapter on the interracial offspring of Newt and Rachel Knight. Called “white Negroes” or “Knight’s Negroes” by their neighbors, these individuals continued to exhibit an independent spirit as they dealt with their society and with each other. They chose to identify themselves in a variety of ways; different members of the family adopted different approaches to life. Some passed as white, others affirmed their African American identity, and still others saw themselves as people of color but kept a distance from those whom society defined as Negroes. Within the family group there were many independent spirits. One woman, the ascetic Anna Knight, forged a long and energetic career as an educator and Seventh-Day Adventist missionary.

Victoria Bynum has plunged deeply into the primary sources on these interesting individuals, family groups, and local communities. Her footnotes will be very useful to future scholars. Yet, micro-history of this type often proves to be more tangled, complex, and difficult to comprehend than study of a large region, because the connections are both more abundant and, inevitably, less fully documented. It also is difficult to tell a multiplicity of short but complicated stories clearly. Professor Bynum’s history of these dissenters lifts the veil on a complicated web of friends, enemies, allies, and family relations who interacted over time. To describe the variety and extent of local conflicts, she must characterize the local community and introduce a host of minor characters. The multiplication of names, places, and details can be as confusing as it is illustrative of the depth of her research. Unfortunately, the welter of briefly mentioned details makes the reader’s experience choppy and sometimes confusing. Had the sources been rich enough, three separate books might have been easier to read than one peopled by so many characters whose personalities remain dim.

The Long Shadow of the Civil War is valuable, however, because it proves that dissent was not rare and insignificant. It modifies the image created by those in power of a solid, unchanging South united behind class dominance, white supremacy, and subordination of women. As writers like Eudora Welty have shown us, the Southern man or woman can be an independent, stubborn, dissenting, even eccentric individual. The fact that we tend to remember so few of these Southerners testifies to the coercive power that repressive elites have exercised through most of the region’s history.

Richard Phillips’s Blog on North Carolina Unionists

Note from Moderator: I recently visited Richard Phillips’s blog, “N.C. Buffalo Soldiers,” and wanted to share it with readers

Vikki Bynum

http://ncbuffaloes.wordpress.com/1st-and-2nd-north-carolina-union-veterans/

N.C.  Buffalo Soldiers: 1st and 2nd North Carolina Union Volunteers

By Richard Phillips

Hello, My name is Richard Phillips and this blog is an attempt to understand and learn about the men who served in the 1st and 2nd NC Union Volunteers.  These men went against the tide of Confederate Nationalism.  Their story has been ignored and forgotten by historians.  Its time to set things right.
My GG Grandfather, Edward Phillips was a soldier in Company F, 1st North Carolina Union Volunteers. Its interesting the different reactions my father and uncle had in regards to Edwards service in the Union Army. My father, Richard R. Phillips Sr. told me he was very proud of Edwards service in the Union Army. My Uncle, Grover C. Phillips said that Edward was a damn traitor.

One of the photos below shows Edward Phillips holding his great grandson, Grover C. Phillips.

Edward_Phillips_2Edward_Phillips_4Edward_Phillips_6Edward_Phillips_8

Just Released: “The Long Shadow of the Civil War”

I’m excited to announce that my new book, The Long Shadow of the Civil War: Southern Dissent and Its Legacies, has been released!  Click here to see its table of contents.

The Long Shadow of the Civil War

To purchase a copy directly from the University of North Carolina Press, click on the title, above. You may also order it from Barnes & Noble or Amazon.

To learn more about The Long Shadow of the Civil War, watch for my next post on Renegade South, which will feature my recent Question & Answer interview with the University of North Carolina Press.

Vikki Bynum

Near and Distant Pasts Revisited: My 2001 interview by David Woodbury

Researching Civil War Home Fronts and Beyond

by Vikki Bynum

Back in fall, 2001, just months after the release of my book, Free State of Jones, David Woodbury (moderator of Battlefields and Bibliophiles) interviewed me for the Civil War Forum Conference Series. As I read today the questions that he and others posed, and my answers to them, it becomes clear why I wrote The Long Shadow of the Civil War: Southern Dissent and Its Legacies. There was so much more I wanted to know, or knew and wanted to tell. For example, although I identified the Collins and allied families as representing the heart of Jones County Unionism, I had only touched on the parallel renegade band led by another branch of the same family in the Big Thicket of East Texas.  Likewise, I had barely tapped into records detailing the postwar political activism of Collinses in both Mississippi and Texas.  And then there was Newt Knight himself. I obtained copies of Newt’s voluminous claim files of 1887-1900 from independent researcher Ken Welch shortly before Free State of Jones went to press. Although the claim files did not change my essential understanding of Newt Knight, they provided such rich detail about the claims process, and the men who either joined or opposed the Knight Band, that I decided to devote a chapter to them in the new book. In yet another chapter, I expanded on the history of the multiracial Knight community that resulted from collaboration between Newt Knight and Rachel, the former slave of his grandfather. For the new book, I also returned to my research on the Unionists of the North Carolina Piedmont who figured so prominently in my first book, Unruly Women. The inner civil war that raged in North Carolina’s “Quaker Belt” (Montgomery, Moore, and Randolph Counties) had stimulated me to research the similar “war” of Jones County.  Yet, despite their similarities, I soon discovered important differences between these Civil War home front wars. That’s when I decided to compare all three communities of dissent–those of Jones Co., MS, the NC Quaker Belt, and the Big Thicket of East Texas–in the same volume. And so the idea for Long Shadow of the Civil War was born. As you read the 2001 question and answer session that follows, I think you’ll understand why I felt compelled to continue my research on southern dissenters, and to expand the story even further beyond the Civil War. My thanks to David Woodbury for permission to repost his Q & A session with me.

 

Transcript of the 35th session of the Civil War Forum Conference Series. GUEST: Dr. Victoria Bynum TOPIC: The subject of her book, “The Free State of Jones: Mississippi’s Longest Civil War” Date: October 25, 2001 ——————————– Greetings, and welcome to the  35th session of the Civil War Forum conference series. We are very pleased tonight to have with us Dr. Victoria Bynum, professor of history at Southwest Texas State University in San Marcos, discussing the subject of her new book: “The Free State of Jones: Mississippi’s Longest Civil War” (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2001). Let’s get started.

Q. (David Woodbury): Welcome Dr. Bynum.  Since this is probably a fairly obscure topic even among Civil War buffs, can you begin with an overview of Jones County, and what set it apart from the rest of Mississippi (e.g., the paucity of slaves there), and the events that gave rise to stories of the so-called “Free State,” or Kingdom of Jones?

A. (Victoria Bynum): Jones County was founded in 1826, and it’s part of one of the earlier-settled sections of Mississippi (because of Native Americans already being pushed out of that part of the state, but not out of the more fertile portions of Mississippi). Many of the earliest settlers were veterans of the War of 1812, especially. I won’t go too much into it, but because it was the Piney Woods region, you didn’t have a great many slaveholders there. Slavery was important — there were slaveholders — but not many *big* slaveholders. It had the lowest number of slaveholders of any county in the state, and almost 80 percent of those slaveholders owned fewer than four slaves. So, just to leap forward to the Civil War itself, this was a region that was pretty ripe — by around 1862 — for seeing the war as a “rich man’s war” and “poor man’s fight,” because they were the poorest men in the state. I don’t want to imply that they were landless, because they were small landowners, but in terms of slaveholders, they were the poorest in the state. [The county] voted almost 2-1 against secession. Moving ahead to the 20th century about how all these stories got started — what made this story so legendary and why it has persisted so long is that the leader of this band of deserters crossed the color line. Now, it’s not that crossing the color line was so unusual, it’s the way that Newton Knight did it. He not only crossed the line, but two of his children intermarried with the children of the slave woman who was his chief collaborator (it was after the war that they intermarried — she was his collaborator during the war). And that resulted in a mixed-race community that’s still very vibrant today — a very large mixed-race community that claims descent from Rachel the slave, and Newton, the leader of the deserter band. …So you’ve had this ongoing battle — this is why I make the second part of the title, “Mississippi’s Longest Civil War,” because factions of this family have been debating the meaning of this uprising since the Civil War. And with the racial aspect, it has made the debate particularly volatile. Those who wanted to defend the Unionism of the Knight band generally just erased the story of the race-mixing, and those who were pro-Confederate . . . used the racial mixing as just further examples that these were deviant men who committed treason against the country, against the Confederacy, and against their race. That’s why the story has lasted, [and] because there have been several books written, and a novel, and even a movie made from the novel.

Q. (David Woodbury): One of the fun things about reading your book is the spirit of investigation, or discovery, in unmasking the past. Can you recall any major breakthroughs during the course of your research, or any particular surprises you encountered upon digging deeper?

A. (Victoria Bynum): I believe some of the most delightful surprises were the ongoing discoveries I made about the Collins family — I believe that their story is one that was buried because of the notoriety of Newt Knight. The discovery that their ancestors were both Regulators back in the 1760s and Populists in the 1890s kind of gave me a whole view of Southern dissent as represented by this family, in a way that just stood right out — and made them the core of the Unionist group there, rather than Newt Knight. And I want to add that probably the biggest surprise was that the Collinses had brothers in Texas who were leaders of their own deserter band, so there were actually two deserter bands which existed simultaneously. It just showed the uncompromising nature of their Unionism; not nearly all the deserters were as Unionist as the Collins’s. There was a core group of about five different families that I would call truly Unionist. Putting that together was very exciting, because I kept finding connections between the very distant past, and the Civil War era, and connections between the  various families as well.

Q. (Margaret  D. Blough): What was the reaction of the Confederate authorities? Was it as  brutal as the suppression of the earlier East Tennessee Unionist uprising?

A. (Victoria Bynum): I’m not sure just how brutal that was, in terms of making an exact comparison, but the Confederacy did send two expeditions into Jones County to put down the uprisings there, and in the Official Records [of the Confederate and Union Armies] there is quite a bit of discussion of Jones County. The most important example is Colonel Lowry’s raid on Jones County. In the space of a few days, they executed ten members of the Knight Company –the Knight Band. That was the worst experience that the  Jones County group experienced. I imagine that it was probably worse in East Tennessee due to the geographic location. Jones County was still pretty remote, and there weren’t as many raids.

Q. (Teresa N. Blaurock): So nice to have you here to tell us more about your book! My co-workers, not Civil War buffs, were intrigued by the subject, and seemed ready to read more on the topic. One question I had is about “jeans” cloth. Can you tell us anything about it?

A. (Victoria Bynum): [You’re] referring to when Newton Knight — in 1865, he was relief commissioner — had an order from the military government in place at that time to seize a certain amount of goods from the former CSA representative of the county, who was a merchant, and they refer to Jeans cloth in there…

Q. (Stevan F. Meserve): Jeans cloth is not denim, but a particular weave of wool. It was  commonly used in uniform trousers. I just had to stick that in. My question is about Unionist sentiment in Jones County. How many precincts of the county voted to remain in the Union? Here in Loudoun County, Virginia, for example, three of 16 precincts voted to remain in the Union.  Overall, the county voted 2:1 to secede.

A. (Victoria Bynum): All I know — that I’ve been able to find — is that 166 people voted against secession, and I believe it was about 89 who voted for it… Let’s see… Yes, 166 for the Cooperationist Candidate, and 89 for the Secessionist Candidate. In fact, neighboring Perry County (I don’t have those numbers with me) was even more Unionist. So Jones County was not isolated in that respect. The Perry County delegate held out longer.

Q. (Margaret  D. Blough): Did any of the Jones County Unionists articulate why they supported the Union? The pressure must have been intense in the Deep South for secession?

A. (Victoria Bynum): Yes, of course in their county they didn’t feel that so directly — more so when the war began — but (after the war) they cited the 20 Negro Law [when] citing reasons for their desertion from the Confederacy. The only articulated Unionist statements are by the Collins family, who did not believe that the election of Abraham Lincoln was grounds for secession. And there’s a quote of a certain Collins brother counseling men to try to get duty in the hospitals as nurses if they did join the service — that they should not fight against the Union. And one more statement attributed to the Collinses is that while they didn’t believe in slavery, they also did not believe that the federal government had the right to end it.

Q. (Teresa N. Blaurock): Early in the book, you describe rivers that were dammed to provide power for mills, but preventing fishing for those needing to do that. It seems such a conflict! I know the Jones County deserters were really against the 20 Negro Law, which was the objection to “government” in their era.

A. (Victoria Bynum): One of the things that I found, as you no doubt noticed, were that these were people who were very touchy about the government’s role in their lives. And again to use the Collinses as an example, since they were always in the thick of it — as they moved across the frontier they continued petitioning the government to respect their rights as citizens and to provide them protection, not only against Indians, but against corrupt local officials. So this is a theme that runs throughout their history, and I think that’s the point that you’re making with your comment.

Q. (David Woodbury): It sounds like your research benefited nearly as much from elderly locals and descendants as it did from archival work. That is, they were able to show you things, like the grave sites of Newt and Rachel Knight. Could you have written this book 20 or 30 years from now, after many of these people are gone?

separate photos of tombstones of Rachel (left) and Newt Knight. Photos by Victoria Bynum

A. (Victoria Bynum): I agree that my personal contacts with descendants was really crucial to the book, and no I couldn’t have written the same book. I could have written *a* book — a study — but in fact when I started writing this book I had no idea that I would achieve the kind of contact with local people that I did. It brought perspectives that I just don’t think I could have pieced together from archival documents. In particular, I don’t think I could have described the mixed race community if I hadn’t spent a lot of time among the descendants of Rachel and Newton Knight… And I don’t believe I could have written *nearly* the kind of study of their community without that personal contact. That was crucial.

Q. (Margaret  D. Blough): To tie into what Terry asked, I’ve seen some opinions that many of the Unionists areas in North Carolina, etc., in the mountains had had no experience with the US government, except for the postal system and the first experience they had with an intrusive government was Confederate authorities enforcing the conscription and impressment laws?  Is that what you saw?

A. (Victoria Bynum): I would say that in general that was true, once they settled in Jones County, that they had a lot of local autonomy. Some writers suggest there was no real government in Jones County before the war, but that just isn’t true. But it is fair to say that they had very limited contact with state government at the top, or federal government. However, I would still point out that their frontier petitions do show quite an interest in the Federal government and  its power. They have a long history of protest of corrupt local government, and I suspect that during the Civil War they developed a similar relationship with the Federal government, because they saw the Confederacy as another example of corrupt local government. That tradition goes all the way back to the Regulators.

Q. (David Woodbury): You include a photograph of the Leaf River in your book, “site of Deserter’s Den — the Knight Company’s Civil War hideout.” Were you able to pinpoint the actual location, and what is there today  (presumably private property)?

The Leaf River, intersection of Covington and Jones Co., MS, site of Deserters’ Den. Photo by Victoria Bynum

A. (Victoria Bynum): It is private property today. I took the photo myself and I was taken there by one of those local old-timers. Not very far from that river — the site of that river in the photograph — is the cemetery of Newton Knight’s grandfather. That land is now in the hands of a private company, and we had to be escorted into the cemetery by someone who had a key… But all of those lands used to be owned by the core members of the deserter band.

Q. (Stevan F. Meserve): On the subject of “intrusive” government, how much intrusion did Jones County see during the war from officials on either side? The territory between Hattiesburg and Meridian was pretty much no man’s land, wasn’t it?

A. (Victoria Bynum): I think it was pretty much considered no-man’s land between those areas. The Confederacy managed to have a Home Guard unit down in Jones County, headed by a local Confederate officer, and that was Amos McLemore, reputed to have been murdered by Newt Knight and his men. By April of 1864, when more and more reports were reaching Confederate officials elsewhere that Jones County was under the control of deserters, and they had murdered some of the tax agents, then they sent the two expeditions I mentioned earlier… Col. Maury, in March (1864), subdued the deserters a bit but they came back just as strong, so then they sent Col. Robert Lowry in April. Now that really did splinter the band. He executed ten of them, and that’s when a number of them fled to New Orleans and joined the Union army. About 40 — they weren’t all members of the band — about 40 Jones County men joined the Union Army in New Orleans… And then about 15 men were captured and forced back into the Confederate army. That left about 20 more whom they never caught, including Newt Knight, still out in the swamps.

Q. (Teresa N. Blaurock): You describe the prominent role of women in the book. Using “polecat musk and red pepper” to throw off the scent of the men from the dogs was rather emphatic. How did that come to be known as the thing to use?

A. (Victoria Bynum): Well, according to Ethel Knight, who wrote the best known book (The Echo of the Black Horn, 1951), the white women learned it from Rachel, the slave. I don’t know where she got her information from.

Q. (Azby): In your opinion, at what point did the Civil War become “inevitable”?  question?

A. (Victoria Bynum): I would suppose that once Lincoln called for troops from the South, and even many who opposed secession turned the other way — when the image of invasion became a vivid one, the firing on Fort Sumter and the call for troops, one could say that’s when it began to appear inevitable. Or you could look at it more broadly, and simply say that when the Northern states put in their constitutions gradual emancipation while the South simultaneously began designs for expanding slavery into the Southwest, some would say that’s when war became inevitable. But I’m not real big on “inevitability.”

Q. (David Woodbury): When did you first hear of the legend about Jones County in the Civil War? And what first drew you to this as a subject of scholarly research?

A. (Victoria Bynum): I first learned about Jones County around 1976 when I was an undergraduate in college. I saw it in a footnote in the Randall and Donald — the old Civil War text [Randall, James G., and David H. Donald. The Civil War and Reconstruction]. I did not hear about it from within my own family, even though my father was born in Jones County. What drew me to it as a subject of scholarship was writing my first book, Unruly Women. I have two chapters on the Civil War there, and one of those chapters centers on a county very similar to Jones County in many ways, and that’s Montgomery County, North Carolina. …But I just became fascinated with the topic of Southern Unionism, and the way that entire families were involved in resisting the Confederacy. It was both the class element in it, and the participation of women and free blacks in North Carolina that made me then want to look at Jones County. So, it was only as I developed as a historian myself that I decided I would like to do a study of Jones County.

Q. (David Woodbury): Would you talk a little bit about the so-called “white Negro” community in Jones County after the war, the trial of Davis Knight in the 1940s, and why this is such an important part of the story of “The Free State of Jones.”

A. (Victoria Bynum): I think it’s incredibly important because it reveals how 20th century race relations and segregation buried the story of the Free State of Jones beneath all these stereotypes about race-mixing, and then combined with the Myth of the Lost Cause, which presented Unionists as treasonous. The story had just become so distorted. And so I began and ended the book with the trial to basically look at why race was such a volatile part of the story, and then to move from there to look at the story of a class-based uprising of white men that is an important story in its own right, and would not have been buried so deeply if it had not been for the obsession with Newton Knight’s interracial relationship with Rachel. And so I was determined to tell both stories, and particularly to try to bring back the stories of all these other members of Knight’s band who had just sort of been lost from the picture. Thanks everyone. The questions were good ones, I enjoyed them.

The Long Shadow of the Civil War (University of North Carolina Press, 2010)

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Civil War Letters from North Carolina: John A. Beaman to Governor Vance

Amanda and Kelly expressed interest in seeing the following letter written to Governor Zeb Vance during the midst of the war by John A. Beaman, grandson of Valentine Moore and brother-in-law to Hiram Hulin. The letter is undated, but was probably written before Beaman’s Hulin and Atkins cousins were killed.

I discovered the letter in the N.C. Governors’ Papers in 1983 while researching my doctoral dissertation (the basis for Unruly Women). As a graduate student, finding Beaman’s letter fueled my fascination with anti-Confederate sentiments among the southern yeomanry. In it, he does not discuss religious ideology or political philosophy, but does express the rage felt by many nonslaveholding farmers over Confederate exemption policies that privileged slaveholding planters and manufacturers over plain farmers.

Except for adding punctuation and a few dropped letters, I have transcribed Beaman’s letter just as he wrote it. Despite his frequent misspellings, John was more literate than most Southern farmers of the time, and he did not let his rudimentary education prevent him from addressing Governor Vance as an elected official who needed to hear the opinions of his constituents.

Mr. Z. B. Vance

Mr. Z. V., gov, I take the presant opertunity of droping you a few lines to inform you [of] the condition of my settlement and our county and the parciality of the conscript law [so] you know the rotnest of it and the men that is exempted by it; and unles it is repeald you can’t think us conscrps will obey the call that is made. You know the farmer is the life of hour country and I want you to tell me one farmer exempted unles he has twenty slaves; and I want you to tell me one of them that has anything to sell tht will sell for confedrt money

I have trid [to buy from] them and also I hav trid [to buy from] the manufactors that is exempted; and corn or bacon they must have [for payment] or you cant buy cotn [cotten] yarn or shurtin [shirting]. Confedrit money they will not hav, and I want you to tell me hough hour family will liv if we leav to fight for such men as these. We air forced to revlutionize unles this roten conscript exemption law is put down, for they are laws wee don’t intend to obey, for wee farmers had as well to be exempted as the slavholder and the manufactory for we air the life of the hole [country].

I hav made moor corn and mor wheat and more bacon than any slavholder in the confedret state for sale, and I hav dun more smithin than any smith in hour county–for nothin acordin to my fose [foes?]; and yet I must go to fight for the seeceders and all mechanics and men who air doing no good at tall at home.

Mr. Vance, I want you to send me some exemptions for I am doing no good at tall, for they want me to fight and I am bound not to go unless all the rest of the blacksmiths and manufactors do. 

Gov, I will close

John A. Beaman to Mr. Gov. Vance

Note: To visit this book’s page at the University of North Carolina website, click here.